The Church Fathers on this verse

Luke 9:8Meaning & Commentary from the Church Fathers

By some that John was risen from the dead: but by other some, that Elias had appeared: and by others, that one of the old prophets was risen again.

Douay-Rheims

υπο τινων δε οτι ηλιας εφανη αλλων δε οτι προφητης εις των αρχαιων ανεστη

Greek (Byzantine text)

The Church Fathers on this verse

9 Church Fathers comment on this verse

Theophylact of Bulgaria

11th centuryChurch Father

Observe that the Jews believe the resurrection of the dead pertains to earthly existence, focused on consuming food and drink. This understanding is misguided, as true resurrection does not reside in physical sustenance or mortal life; rather, those who are resurrected live as the angels of God.

Ambrose of Milan

4th centuryChurch Father

The subsequent account of John's suffering and demise raises a question: why does Herod refer to him as already deceased? For insight, consider Luke 9:9. John the Baptist represents the Old Testament law. Could it be that the law's inadequacy prompts the Gospel to begin satisfying the spiritual hunger of the nations?

Euthymios Zigabenos

11th centuryCommentator

This topic is examined thoughtfully in the twenty-fifth chapter of the Gospel of Matthew.

*See Matthew 14:1-12.

Alexander Gorsky

19th centuryCommentator

The apostles approached Jesus prior to the third Passover. It is likely that during their delay, John’s disciples delivered news regarding the demise of their master. Concurrently, speculation arose claiming that John had been raised within Jesus, indicating that John had indeed passed away. Herod, the governor of Galilee, was either convinced or skeptical but expressed a desire to understand Jesus more deeply.

Bogolepow D.P.

19th centuryCommentator

Luke presents a notably concise account here compared to Matthew and Mark. While the latter two delve into the circumstances surrounding John the Baptist’s imprisonment and martyrdom, Luke only briefly alludes to his imprisonment (3:19-20) and refrains from mentioning it in this context, focusing instead on Herod’s reflections on Jesus to indicate the Baptist's death. Luke clarifies John’s fate solely through Herod’s confused ruminations: “John I beheaded; who is Jesus?” This passage conveys only the gossip regarding Jesus that circulated within Herod's court.

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In contrast, Matthew and Mark provide parallel narratives, though Matthew's depiction is generally more succinct. The information regarding the speculation about Jesus within Herod's court can be found in Luke 9:7-9, Matthew 14:1-2, and Mark 6:14-16. Luke does not assert that Herod made any definitive judgments about Jesus; rather, he appears troubled, pondering the diverse opinions held by the populace and questioning, “Who is this one, about whom I hear such things?” In his desire for clarity, Herod sought to see Jesus (Luke 23:8 speaks to this quest). Conversely, Matthew does not record the public’s opinions; instead, he reflects only Herod’s belief that Jesus might be the resurrected John the Baptist. Mark’s account includes both perspectives. Among the various views circulating, Herod leaned towards believing that Jesus was indeed John raised from the dead. However, this notion stemmed from Herod’s own troubled conscience and was merely conjecture, compelling him to seek an audience with Jesus.

Gladkow B.I.

19th centuryCommentator

Herod Antipas became aware of the actions of Jesus and sought to understand His identity. Some claimed that John the Baptist had come back to life, while others suggested that Elijah had returned, and still others believed that one of the ancient prophets had risen again. When Jesus questioned His disciples about the public’s perception of Him, they recounted these varied opinions, asking Him, ‘Who do people say that I am?’ (Mark 8:24). Among all these views, Herod was particularly disturbed by one thought: ‘Is this not John whom I beheaded? Will he not seek retribution against me?’ Thus, he looked for a chance to encounter Jesus to confirm his fears.

Lopuchin A.P.

19th centuryCommentator

Antipas experienced a rare fortune uncommon among Tiberius's vassals, maintaining his rule for over three decades. Like his father, he marked both the anniversary of his ascension and his birthday with elaborate feasts. The term Γενέσια, which translates as "day of birth," can also refer to the day he began his reign. The Herodian rulers adopted the Roman practice of celebrating "birthdays," showcasing their opulence in this manner. During this period, a grand celebration was organized, inviting military commanders, tribal leaders, and the elite of society, including prominent nobles and military officials.

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The opulence of the feast, held in the castle of Maher where John the Baptist was imprisoned, reflected the excesses of Roman-style banquets, characterized by gluttony and indulgence. Word of these extravagant gatherings even reached Rome, where the satirist Persius remarked on the occasion of "Herod's day," vividly depicting the palace adorned with lights and floral decorations, tables laden with luxuries, and wine flowing abundantly. At such a celebration, merriment reached its peak. Notably, Herodias was likely not present as Eastern customs typically excluded women from male gatherings. Yet, she schemed to give Antipas a surprising delight designed to impress his guests.

During this era, pantomime performances—a favored entertainment of the Herod family—were in vogue. A sumptuous banquet was expected to culminate in a dramatic dance, and on this occasion, Antipas' stepdaughter Salomia, encouraged by her mother, performed. The dance was an artful representation of silent storytelling through movement, often depicting mythological themes, which would have likely scandalized pious Jews. The dancer’s attire was crafted to showcase her form, and in this cultural context, multiple dancers were not permitted on stage simultaneously. At this private event, Salomia, in her youthful beauty, captivated the guests with her performance.

Delighted by her display, Herod offered Salomia a reward for her entertainment, inviting her to request anything—even half his kingdom. This boastful and trivial pledge would soon weigh heavily on him. Salomia, under her mother’s influence, cunningly requested "the head of John the Baptist.” This shocking demand caught Antipas off guard and filled him with sadness, for he held the prophet in high regard. He contemplated the absurdity of the request, knowing that it contradicted his earlier pledge of gifts meant to be extravagant yet harmless, without the essence of human lives.

However, overpowered by embarrassment in front of his guests, fearing their mockery rather than divine judgment, he dispatched an executioner to the dungeon. In an act of chilling brutality, John, revered as the greatest of those born of women, became a victim of Herodias' vengeful wickedness. The executioner returned with the prophet's severed head served on a platter, a grotesque representation of Herodias' contempt. St. Gregory remarked on the depravity of this act, emphasizing that it was presented not as a shroud of mourning, but as a delicacy. Legend holds that Herodias further mocked John by using a needle to pierce his tongue.

Historical instances of similar tragedies and mockeries abound, such as those committed by Mark Antony and Agrippina, reflecting the brutal spirit prevalent in the Eastern courts of this era. The inviolability of oaths was starkly illustrated in tales of historical monarchs, such as Xerxes, whose solemn promises led to tragic outcomes for others.

The atrocities committed by Antipas haunted him deeply. Upon hearing of Jesus Christ's preaching, he, a Sadducee who previously rejected the notion of resurrection, agonized over whether John had returned to seek retribution for his beheading. Driven by fear, he desired to see Jesus to allay his suspicions, but the Savior avoided him, seemingly intent on deepening his remorse.

Returning to Tiberias did little to quell his inner turmoil; the extravagant feasts he arranged were marred by his haunting memories of John's bloody visage, which seemed to silently rebuke him for his transgressions. Salomia later married Philip, but her plans for expansion through that union crumbled as Philip was reassigned elsewhere. Antipas, ever ambitious to rise above his tetrarch status, found the influence of Herodias driving him to seek the royal title.

Herodias's aspirations became intolerable, particularly following Herod Agrippa I's elevation to "king" by Caligula. She relentlessly pressured Antipas to claim a crown for himself. Eventually, he traveled to Rome to advocate for this title, befitting his desires for glory. To curry favor, he hosted extravagant feasts, splurging on lavish displays, all while being tormented by guilt over John's murder.

Despite the opulence around him, the weight of his crime haunted him at every turn. Even amid celebration, the image of John's severed head and his resultant condemnation shadowed his thoughts. Antipas's internal struggle was evident in his intense prayers in the synagogue, which piqued the curiosity of onlookers and generated whispers throughout the city, even inspiring hostile reflections in Persius’s work.

Ultimately, Antipas's aspirations culminated in ruin; accused of treason by those close to him, he faced banishment instead of reigning as a king, confined to distant Gaul with Herodias, the architect of his downfall. Regarding Salomia, legends tell a grim fate; she perished by falling through the ice, mirroring the retribution for the blood she had once sought. Truly, the blood of the righteous demands justice.

Michail (Lusin)

19th centuryCommentator

Concerning Herod Antipas' views on the Lord, the Gospel of Luke appears to take issue with certain aspects of the narrative as presented in Matthew (Matt. 14:1-2) and the lengthier version found in Mark (Mark 6:14-16). However, this difference is merely superficial; in essence, Luke's account serves to integrate and deepen our understanding of the character of this ruler. When Herod became aware of the miraculous deeds performed by the Lord—both directly and through the Apostles—he began to speculate that John the Baptist, whom he had executed, had risen from the dead and was now performing wonders.

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As he heard various interpretations—some attributing these acts to Elijah and others to one of the ancient prophets—he found himself in a state of confusion, questioning who this person could possibly be. Despite having beheaded John and not taking the concept of resurrection seriously, he ultimately concluded, swayed by fear and a lack of conviction, that it must indeed be John returned. To alleviate his uncertainty, he expressed a desire to see Jesus for himself, likely motivated by trepidation regarding his own safety. The Evangelists Matthew and Mark provide additional details regarding Herod's imprisonment and execution of John, while Luke, having briefly referred to this event earlier (Lk. 3:9-20), does not mention it again in this context.

Paul Matwejewski

19th centuryCommentator

The death of John weighed heavily on Herod's heart. As the apostolic message spread and the deeds of Jesus Christ became known to the ruler of Galilee, Herod found himself deeply troubled. He heard various claims: some believed that John had been raised from the dead, others thought Elijah had returned, while still others suggested that a prophet from the past had come back to life. In contemplating these reports, he questioned, "I have seen John; who then is this man about whom I hear such things?" He concluded that John the Baptist, whom he had known, was indeed the one who had risen from the dead, which explained the miraculous powers attributed to him. To validate this belief, Herod felt compelled to see Jesus Christ for himself.

Cross references

Passages read together with this verse.

The original text

Greek text, 14 words with lemma, transliteration and Strong’s number. Tap to expand.

  1. ὑπό
    hypo
    by
    G5259 · ὑπό
  2. τινων
    tinōn
    any one
    G5100 · τις
  3. δὲ
    de
    but
    G1161 · δέ
  4. ὅτι
    hoti
    that
    G3754 · ὅτι
  5. Ἠλίας
    ēlias
    Elijah
    G2243 · Ἡλίας
  6. ἐφάνη
    ephanē
    I shine
    G5316 · φαίνω
  7. ἄλλων
    allōn
    other
    G243 · ἄλλος
  8. δὲ
    de
    but
    G1161 · δέ
  9. ὅτι
    hoti
    that
    G3754 · ὅτι
  10. προφήτης
    prophētēs
    a prophet
    G4396 · προφήτης
  11. τις
    tis
    any one
    G5100 · τις
  12. τῶν
    tōn
    the
    G3588 · ὁ
  13. ἀρχαίων
    archaiōn
    original
    G744 · ἀρχαῖος
  14. ἀνέστη
    anestē
    I raise up
    G450 · ἀνίστημι