What precisely was this census that the evangelist claims occurred over the entire earth? How could it be conducted in Judea under Augustus’s command while Herod was still king there? How was Quirinius able to administer the census in Syria under Herod’s reign when he became governor only after both Herod and his son Archelaus had passed from power? Furthermore, why does Josephus Flavius remain silent on this census?
To address these questions, we note that the census—which took place towards the end of Herod's reign—might have involved enumerating individuals and registering them, possibly tied to taxation practices customary in Roman censuses. It's critical to clarify that "the whole earth" in this context refers to the subjects of the Roman Empire and its dependent territories. Suetonius mentions three censuses during Augustus's reign, but these were limited solely to Roman citizens. None of these preceding censuses compared in scope to the one around the time of Christ's birth. It's unlikely that historians overlooked such a significant enumeration of the Roman Empire's citizens, suggesting that this census was primarily confined to Judea. This understanding aligns perfectly with the evangelist's words "throughout the whole land," as the term used (οίκουμένη) refers not just to a general region but could also refer to Judea specifically, as evidenced in Acts 11:28 and by Josephus Collins.
Moreover, the existence of a king in Judea did not thwart the Roman emperor’s authority to institute a census there. While the Romans exerted control over Herod, they maintained the Jewish populace in subservience to their governance. Herod lacked true autonomy regarding his kingship and required the emperor's approval for many decisions, including the administration of taxes. Shortly before his demise, Herod was obliged to acknowledge the emperor, illustrated by the relief administered by Augustus regarding the taxation of Archelaus's provinces during unrest, as noted by Josephus. The tax collected would not have gone to Archelaus directly.
Josephus notes that the Romans began subjugating the Jewish people notably during the incursion of Pompey, which stemmed from conflicts between two brothers. Other contemporary historians recognize that Herod was still paying tribute to Antony at one point. Given these elements, the possibility of a census mandated by the Roman Emperor at the end of Herod's reign, particularly one that might have involved taxation or a complete enumeration of the Jewish populace, appears plausible.
The passage that mentions the census during Quirinius’s governorship has been interpreted in various ways. Some suggest an understanding of the phrase that identifies this census as prior to another that Quirinius conducted while governing Syria later on. This interpretation is supported by the accuracy of Quirinius's census approximately fourteen years afterward, as documented by Josephus, which Luke also references in Acts 5:37. Others hold that this was Quirinius’s first census in Syria, distinguishing it from a later one.
The silence of Josephus regarding this census invites scrutiny into the closing years of Herod's reign, during which he faced conflict with the Arabian king Hovod. This conflict escalated due to the non-return of money owed, alongside incursions by Arabian bandits. Herod sought restitution but encountered resistance, leading him to consult the emperor’s officials in Syria. Eventually, tensions culminated in Herod’s invasion of Arabia, resulting in significant casualties among the Arabians. Josephus recounts that Augustus, upon hearing the reports, shifted his view of Herod from ally to subject, leading to profound consequences in Herod's governance.
In the climactic tension of these events, Herod faced internal discohesion as familial strife unfolded within his household. Associative conspiracies among his son Antipater and Herod's brother-in-law, Theros, prompted Herod’s apprehension and subsequent actions against perceived threats to his power. This was exacerbated by the emergence of a sect of Jews known as Pharisees, who resisted Herod's authority, culminating in punitive actions against them.
Josephus narrates that the refusal of a group of Pharisees to accept loyalty to the emperor during the census might align with the call for allegiance recorded in the Gospel, drawing a parallel between secular and scriptural truths. The uproar in Jerusalem regarding the news of a new king illustrates the fervor surrounding the birth, as well as the subsequent reactions from Herod, who responded with violence against the innocents of Bethlehem.
The intertwining accounts from Josephus and the Gospel narratives indicate a profound historical convergence that enhances our understanding of the Messiah's birth and environment, reaffirming the prophecy and the anticipated divine victory over worldly powers. Josephus's critiques of the Pharisees, alongside the prophetic declarations within the context of Jesus's birth, culminate in a narrative where the promise of the Messiah is thrown into stark relief against the backdrop of political turmoil and prophetic expectation.